FIFTY-FOUR members of the ANC national executive committee, who this weekend prioritised their short-term comfort over the sovereignty of this country,  are now endeavouring to cover their tracks. Unfortunately the whitewash is so thin it’s useless.
Speaking on their behalf the ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe attempted to sell the idea of the ANC being under siege by an array of forces. He also tossed out, as a token bone,  Brian Molefe’s future at Eskom.
The NEC had agreed, Mantashe said, that the continued upheavals over the presidency of Jacob Zuma, were “not so much about removing the president but rather dislodging the ANC itself from power”.
One has to  pity men and women who are so blinded by deception that they cannot see that a Cabinet reshuffle taking place without the ANC’s blessing means the ANC has already been dislodged from power.
The National Democratic Revolution is null and void, the once mighty people’s liberation organization is now merely an instrument in the hands of other people and its members are in fact, in defeat.
Pity these blind 54 NEC members even more because they fail to grasp that they have not a shred of  human value in the disgusting and exploitative leadership charade taking place at the helm of government.
Their value is simply in being marionettes, with no traction, dangling to dance or sing “amen” to the prompting of Zuma and those outsiders who scrutinise the CVs of our prospective Cabinet ministers.
Were this not the case these same 54 individuals would long ago have connected their past to their children’s futures and put every foot down to insist Zuma comply with the recommendations made in October last year by the Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela, on  releasing her report on state capture.
She recommended that Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng appoint a single judge to preside over a commission of inquiry into state capture.
She did so with good reason. Zuma’s previous judicial commission –  the Seriti commission into the whether kickbacks were paid on R70-billion’s worth of arms procurement – ended last April,  making neither recommendation nor finding.
This was after dragging on for  four years, during which time a commissioner quit, as did researchers and evidence leaders because of the “distinct impression of an alternative agenda” being in place and the bizarrely narrow limitations that excluded crucial evidence.
Predictably Zume has resisted Mandonsela’s recommendation.  He says it undermines his constitutional entitlement to appoint inquiries.
He has gone to court, not to fight the idea of a commission but so that he can appoint the judge who will preside over the probe in which he himself is the most deeply implicated figure out of a constellation of raiders of the lost state of South Africa.
It is so ludicrous that it would be laughable if it was not deadly serious.
For seven months after Madonsela’s clear recommendation the NEC has been mute. But suddenly the president lands in yet another bind and flicks the NEC’s on switch.
If Zuma has things his way the bankrupted citizens of a bankrupted country will likely wake up one day to find the president on permanent holiday in a R18-million Dubai apartment.
Our hope lies, not in the marionettes of a captured organisation, but in the only remnant of independent South Africa – the courts – to ensure this is not the case.